Today is our topic of discussion Shamshuddin Ahmed .
Shamshuddin Ahmed
Shamsuddin Ahmed was a Bengali Muslim politician of the front rank in the three decades before partition of India in 1947. In his early life he was a Congressman and had joined the Khilafat and non-co-operation movement. He was the Secretary of the Provincial Khilafat Committee and also the Secretary of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee from 1921 to 1925 when C.R.Das (1870-1925) was its President.
Shamsuddin Ahmed was an ardent follower of Das. He had supported the Bengal Pact of 1923 and had all through his political life believed in communal harmony. He was a secular nationalist politician. After he left Congress in 1929 he did not join the Muslim League which was then the organization luring the young educated Muslims. Shamsuddin Ahmed joined the Nikhil Banga Proja Samity, a non-communal organization formed in July 1929 and became one of its joint secretaries.
He remained a staunch supporter of the peasant cause as long as he remained in politics. When in 1936, the Nikhil Banga Proja Samity and the Bengal Proja Party merged together to form the Krishak Proja Party, Shamsuddin Ahmed was elected its Secretary
He had joined the Muslim League in 1944 but he never gave up his commitment to secularism and the interest of the peasantry. He remained in the Muslim League as a left-wing member of the party defending the ideals of the Krishak Proja Party and improving the conditions of the peasants and workers.
Shamsuddin Ahmed was born in August 1889 at Sultanpur village under Kumarkhali thana in Kushtia, formerly the district of Nadia. 5 He passed his matriculation from Hooghly Collegiate school in 1910, graduated from Presidency College, Calcutta and obtained both Masters in History and Law Degree from the Calcutta University in 1916.6 He then began to practice at Krishnanagar district court in 1917 and at the Calcutta High Court in 1919
He was under the juniorship of C.R.Das, a leading barrister of Calcutta at that time and the leader of Ithe left-wing of the Congress,8 Shamsuddin Ahmed was a follower of Congress ideology and more particularly, of C.R.Das. He was closely associated with the “Bengal Pact” formulated by Das in 1923 with a view to making Hindu-Muslim relation a cordial one.
The “Bengal Pact” assured the provision for reservation of 60% of all new appointments for the Muslims till such time as they achieved proper representation according to population 14 Similar terms were offered in respect of the Calcutta Corporation where 80% of new appointments were to be reserved.
These the Congress would provide to the Muslims if it came to power in Bengal. It was a deal which, though primarily a political one, was apparently considered one to forge communal harmony.
Many Muslims supported Das and his Swarajist Party 16 Shamsuddin Ahmed had supported the “Bengal Pact” but after the death of Das in June 1925 communal relation in Bengal worsened, 17 Both Congress and Bengali Muslim leaders failed to come to compromise on issues concerned or to contain the communal rivalry.
After Das’s death fruitless meetings took place between 1926 and 1928 where the Bengali Muslims and the Congress Shamsuddin Ahmed got involved in politics in 1919 and participated in the
The Campaigns
Khilafat and non-co-operation movement.9 carried out by the Bengali Khilafatists was strong in the districts. 10 It was during this time that Shamsuddin Ahmed boycotted courts and resigned from the membership of the District Board of Nadia and also decided to boycott foreign clothes and began to wear hand-woven Khadi 11 On the eve of the arrival of the Prince of Wales in December 1921 Shamsuddin Ahmed was arrested among others, in Calcutta for anti-British demonstrations.
After his release he got actively involved in the non-co- operation movement again, particularly in the Nadia district. He had strong connection with the religious and social leadership among the Muslim peasantry and was able to make a successful propaganda in favour of the non-co-operation movement.
leaders met to discuss issues particularly like the Muslim share of jobs in public service and the question of separate electorates, 18 The formation of the Simon Commission in 1927 excluding any Indian in it had caused deep resentment among political leaders in Bengal.
Both the Congress and the Muslim League leaders decided to boycott the Commission but such decision created factions among the Swarajists in the Legislative Council and also among the major section of the Bengali Muslim leaders.
There were, however, efforts to revive the “Bengal Pact” but those failed 20 In 1928 the Bengal Tenancy (Amendment) Bill brought division among the pro-peasant and the pro-landlord Swarajists, as well as among the Hindu and Muslim leaders outside the Council 21 Communal solidarity forged, though temporarily, by the “Bengal Pact” had clearly broken off by 1928.
It is essential to note that taking advantage of the anti-peasant attitude of the Hindu landlords, the Muslim fanatical mullahs attempted to foment anti- Hindu feeling in the districts and the mofussil areas, kindling fire to the grievances of the peasants and creating agrarian tension.23 The price of jute had fallen in 1920-1921 and again after 1927.
Constant tension, therefore, prevailed between the Muslim peasants in the jute-growing districts in castern Bengal and the mahajans (the money-lenders) and beparis (the retail traders).24 To mention the extent of communal tension it is interesting to note that while Shamsuddin was an ardent advocate of communal harmony his own home-town, Kushtia was affected by communal tension.
Shamsuddin’s brother, Afsaruddin Ahmed, a religious preacher by profession, was believed to be behind all local communal agitation in Kushtia 25 He used to deliver provoking speeches at public meetings inciting communal hatred against the Hindus 26 The fact that the two brothers of the same family chose to take divergent paths highlighted the two distinct trends in Muslim politics in Bengal since the 1920’s.
Political influence of Congress and the Muslim League had not reached the villages yet. Mullahs in the villages acted as local leaders and in many cases incited communal agitation.
Although communal relation in the district level had been generally peaceful the Hindu-landlord-mahajan and Muslim-peasant symbiosis had started to break down by the 1920’s. Rise of the Muslim middle class and the growing demand for jobs in the towns heightened communal tension. The peasant-landlord relation also at times took communal turn. Clamour for Pakistan or for partition of India came much later in the villages, not until 1945 and 1946.
Worsening of communal relation, in fact, and the failure to get the Bengal Tenancy (Amendment) bill through, totally disillusioned the pro-Congress, or the “nationalist” Muslims, as they were called.27 Most of them had left the Congress by early 1929 and had formed non-communal organizations to represent peasant demands but essentially to counter the Congress.
Shamsuddin Ahmed was strongly committed to proja interest even before these organizations were formed. Earlier, in 1925 he had led the cause of the tenants at the All-Bengal proja Conference held at Bogra on 7 and 8 February 29 As President of the Conference he demanded limiting the rate of interest on loans incurred by the tenants to the mahajans, granting occupancy rights to tenants and introducing free compulsory education in rural districts.
The demands did not, however, include those of the bargadars, i.e. the lower strata of the peasantry. Shamsuddin Ahmed represented the left-wing of the Krishak Proja Party but how far socialist he was remains a question. Shamsuddin Ahmed was also involved in trade union movement to some extent.
In 1928, he mediated in resolving the workers’ strike in Tata Company at Jamshedpur and succeeded in realizing the demands of the workers. During this time he was offered Vice- Presidentship of the Workers’ Union of Tata Company 31 In the three decades before partition Shamsuddin Ahmed was actively involved in both labour movement and in the left-wing of the Krishak Proja Party.32 He came from Kushtia, then a well-known centre of revolutionary activities.
Jatin Mukherjee (1883-1915), popularly known as Bagha Jatin (“Jatin, the tiger”), came from Kushtia and made it a centre for his terrorist activities,33 The district of Nadia was also an active centre of Subhas chandra Bose and the ex-revolutionairies who had joined the Congress in the 1920’s and the 1930’s 34 Both C.R.Das and Subhas Chandra Bose had strong support for them.
Shamsuddin Ahmed came from such a political environment that was radical and revolutionary. Socialist and communist ideas had also began to spread in Bengal by early 1920’s. The emerging Muslim middle class was restive and was getting associated with left ideas.
A radical trend was a strongly visible and Shamsuddin Ahmed was not left out of this influence. Subsequently his activities in the Krisahak Proja Party and his role in A.K. Fazlul Huq’s cabinet marked him distinctly as a left-wing politician.
Shamsuddin Ahmed had joined The Nikhil Banga Proja Samity in 1929 under the leadership of Maulana Akram Khan, who soon had allied himself with the Khwaja brothers and had adopted a right-wing position for his own political strategy. Shamsuddin had joined the Krishak Proja Party in 1936 under Fazlul Huq’s leadership hoping to carry out progressive measures in the interest of the peasants.
But, the K.P.P. though formed to safeguard the peasant’s rights was, in fact, formed as a rival party to the Muslim League and also the Congress to contest the ensuing elections,37 Shamsuddin Ahmed completely dissociated himself from the Khwaja brothers and from the right-wing politics in Bengal. He was elected to the Bengal Legislative Assembly in 1937 as a K.P.P. candidate, Fazlul Huq had formed his ministry in February 1937 in coalition with the Muslim League.
Of the eleven members in Huq’s ministry only three were from the K.P.P.- one being Huq, the Chief Minister, the other two being Shamsuddin Ahmed and Syed Nausher Ali 38 Shamsuddin Ahmed had represented the left-wing of the K.P.P. and had demanded from the beginning that the ministry should fulfil the election pledges and he particularly demanded the abolition of zamindari without compensation. This was the bone of contention which brought a rift both in the K.P.P. and in the cabinet.
Shamsuddin’s position was similar to that of Syed Nausher Ali in this respect. Both were progressive in their demands. Shamsuddin had left the cabinet in protest while, Syed Nausher Ali was forced to resign in 1938. Shamsuddin, however, joined the cabinet in November, 1938,39
Fazlul Huq had joined the Muslim League on 15 October, 1937.
He needed the support of the Muslim League more than the K.P.P. at this stage for his political existence. Because of his left leanings Shamsuddin Ahmed was not included in the cabinet and in his place Nawab Musharraf Hossain (1871-1966), a landlord and a tea magnate from Jalpaiguri, north Bengal was made the minister in charge of the Judicial and Legislative department 40 The Khwaja brothers who represented the right-wing of the Muslim League and the European group alike considered Shamsuddin Ahmed a person of “extreme views” 41 He was also considered as one of the disloyal K.P.P.
members who had plotted with Congress to wreck the Huq ministry 42 Shamsuddin Ahmed was a genuine supporter of the krishak proja interest and, therefore, he was asked to resign which he first refused, then did with 21 other left-wingers of the Proja Samity on 1 September, 1937.43 They had defected on grounds of betrayal to the election pledges made by Fazlul Huq.
They had criticized Huq for several reasons, for not attempting to release the political pri soners which, of course, was a Congress demand, not reducing the salary of ministers and above all, for not adopting measures radical enough, for instance, abolition of zamindari without compensation 44 However, their defection was a relief to both Huq and the European community.
Governor Sir John Anderson had not liked Shamsuddin Ahmed at all and had accused him of leading anti-state agitations on several occasions.45 He was considered a “recalcitrant element” for his radical views 46 He was also blamed to split the Krishak proja Party.
The landlords and the European group were, however, happy because they had not wanted the drastic tenancy bills to be passed. Absence of Shamsuddin Ahmed from the ministry stopped that “avalanche” they had feared. This was the opinion of the Governor Sir John Anderson who expressed his view to Governor General Marquess of Linlithgow in September, 1937.
It is essential to note at this stage that the real conflict in the K.P.P. was not one of ideology. Shamsuddin Ahmed had been the General Secretary and a founder member of the Party. He was dropped on the excuse that Governor Sir John Anderson did not like him. This incident was supposed to create a great uproar but, in fact, no strong protest was made. Similarly, when Syed Nausher Ali was asked to resign there was little indignation from the K.P.P. members.
The Krishak Proja Party was formed to contest election as a rival to Congress and the Muslim League. Its election pledges had very well attracted the peasantry. Victory at the expense of the Krishak – Proja seemed the real purpose of the leaders which had been served.
Now that a coalition had been formed with the Muslim League it was necessary for Huq to accomodate the League members and the League High Command. Because there was little ideological difference and the conflict was one of leadership, the K.P.P. members felt it wise to make as little uproar as possible. Besides, to put up a strong opposition against Huq at this stage would have destroyed the political dominance of the Muslims in the province.
Manipulation, factional politics and shifts in alliances now became a prominent phenomenon in the Krishak Proja Party,50 Those who had defected under Shamsuddin Ahmed announced their intention to oppose Huq’s ministry on any move that went against the K.P.P. agenda.
They demanded reduction of salary of ministers, introduction of compulsory free primary education in rural areas, complete abolition of zamindari without compensation and the one important issue they took seriously was the release of political prisoners 51 The release of the political prisoners was mainly a Congress demand.
The obvious reasons were that there had been some 200 Bengali political prisoners serving prison terms in the Andaman Islands and there were many young men in detention camps held up without any trial and without adequate provision for their families in some cases. In the closing months of 1936 some prisoners went on hunger strike to force the government to fulfil their grievances and some committed suicide.
People all over Bengal particularly, became stunned at the drastic steps they took. 52. Congress had declined to form coalition ministry with the Krishak Proja Party disagreeing on the same issue. This was not obviously an insignificant issue considering the situation but during this crucial stage when the Krishak Proja Party had earnestly and repeatedly hoped for an alliance with the Congress the latter could have formed a coalition and then come together to solve the detenu problem.
Some scholars believe that Congress had made a big mistake by not forming coalition with the K.P.P. in 1937. Had they allied with the K.P.P. the Muslim League would have failed to dominate Bengal politics. Bengal would not probably have turned to communalism and perhaps partition of Bengal would have been averted in 1947.
Congress was also partly blamed for the split in the K.P.P. because most K.P.P. men had hoped for coalition with the Congress and the left-wing of the party continued to keep liaison still hoping for such a possibility 54 Congress, in fact, had never supported the demand of the K.P.P. for abolition of zamindari without compensation but was not honest enough to declare that openly.
Congress felt safe that strong anti- landlord measures would be delayed or might not be taken at all and also hoped, as was apprehended, to form an alternative coalition government with the strong opposition group against Huq.
In July, 1937 the Governor Sir John Anderson wrote to the Viceroy, Linlithgow that he was certain that Congress would spare no effort to create split between the two wings of the Muslim coalition by detaching members of the Proja section with the Chief Minister.
This was the main reason why they supported the left wing of the K.P.P. like Shamsuddin Ahmed, Syed Nausher Ali and others so that those hardliner and dedicated peasant leaders would come out of Huq’s ministry.
After leaving the Coalition ministry Shamsuddin Ahmed called his group the real Proja Party and collaborated with the Congress in opposing Huq’s ministry, 55 Anti-Huq campaigns and numerous meetings were held in the districts. Shamsuddin’s anti-Huq campaigns created confusion among peasants in the mofussil and weakened the party.
The Congress, in fact, welcomed this while the Muslim League continued to blame Congress for its intrigue to disrupt the Muslim unity. The Muslim press in Calcutta, particularly. The Azad, The Mussalman and The Star of India blamed the Congress for inciting Shamsuddin. In October 1937 at the annual general meeting of the Bengal Krishak Proja Samity held in Rangpur, Shamsuddin Ahmed’s group declared no-confidence in Fazlul Huq’s ministry.
In 1938 the Confidential reports on the events of Bengal recorded Shamsuddin Ahmed’s activities which were mostly anti-government but very much pro-peasant and pro-workers. On 1 April 1938 he had attended a meeting at the Calcutta Town Hall where about 600 persons were present and after the meeting they submitted a copy of their grievances to the Chief Minister 57 Shamsuddin Ahmed also held secret meetings in Kushtia with the peasants.
He was often addressed as a “comrade” by his associates and it was believed that he was working for the Communist Party of India trying to disseminate Communist ideas among the peasants.
Shamsuddin Ahmed and the members of the K.P.P. outside the ministry had exerted considerable pressure on the coalition ministry to enact the Bengal Tenancy Amendment bills, 59 The bills were passed in August 1938 but Huq refused to give them any credit 60 There was great jubilation; some 5,000 persons attended the ceremony organized by the Muslim Students’ League .
The whole atmosphere in the country changed as a result of the passing of the bills.62 As most of the progressive measures in the Tenancy Bills introduced in September 1937 were now passed in August 1938, Huq’s ministry became very popular.
The credibility of the left-wing of the K.P.P. was now subbued to a great extent. Huq’s ministry had passed the major peasants’ reform bills in the absence of the left-wing members of the K.P.P. and this had also greatly increased his personal image among the Bengali masses 63 Shamsuddin and his associates had always highlighted and struggled for emancipation of the peasantry from the clutches of the landlords and the mahajans.
The poor peasants of Bengal, who often had to borrow money from the landlords due to successive failures of crops for infiltration of saline water or for want of rains, used to mortgage their lands to the landlords or mahajans at high rate of interest.
Shamsuddin wanted to write off these debts and emancipate the peasants. Consequently he became very popular amongst the peasantry. But, A.K. Fazlul Huq, an intelligent and shrewd politician as he was, was reluctant to give credit to Shamsuddin.
Thus he got rid of Shamsuddin and by passing the Debt Settlement Act and amending the Bengal Tenancy Act he himself took the credit. The impact of demands made by Shamsuddin and his associates was so great that those were materialized soon after partition through State Acquisition and Tenancy Act, abolishing both zamindari system and the intermediaries.
Zamindari was abolished in 1950 but was brought to effect from 1955 onwards. Abolition of zamindari without compensation was thought too radical by the ministry and by most of the Congress leaders.
Only the left-wing of the K.P.P. kept it a strong demand in their agenda as Congress and Muslim League leaders were reluctant to extend their support now that their purpose had been partially served in not hurting the zamindars too much
By November 1938 Huq’s position in the Cabinet had become precarious.
Huq had to depend completely on the European group. He found his position also threatened as the number of the Muslim League members in the ministry had increased consequent upon the ouster of the K.P.P. members in the cabinet. Huq’s ministry was strengthened but his position was at risk.64 He, therefore, opened negotiations with the left-wing of the Proja Samity.
On 17 November, 1938 Huq made a redistribution of some of the portfolios by including Shamsuddin Ahmed and Tamizuddin Khan as two additional ministers in the Cabinet 66 Shamsuddin Ahmed was given the portfolio of Agriculture and Veternary while Tamizuddin Khan was given the portfolio of Public Health and Medical.
The Congress and the hard core of the Proja Party had made all attempts to prevent them to be included in the Cabinet. It was to their advantage if Huq’s ministry and Huq personally was in difficult position. In fact, prolonged negotiations took place between Huq and the defectors from the ministry but considering the situation at that time, it seemed that Huq needed them more to make his position stronger in the ministry.
However, this attempt to strengthen Huq’s position proved short-lived. Shamsuddin Ahmed agreed to join the Cabinet on certain conditions imposed by the K.P.P. on Huq ministry.
There were 12 conditions agreed upon which Huq promised to fulfil within a fixed time but failed to keep. The European community and the right-wing of the Muslim League, however, did not want them at all 68 They were particularly hostile to Shamsuddin Ahmed.
Tamizuddin Khan had earlier been a member of the Muslim League and was, in fact, not that hostile to the government 69 Shamsuddin Ahmed, on the other hand, had a record of anti-government activities, had no administrative experience and he was strongly opposed for his radical opinions. Because of government hostility towards him he left the ministry in February 1939.
He then began to act as the leader of the left-wing of the Krishak Proja Samity. The K.P.P. members had wanted him to stay because they hoped that if he stayed the K.P.P. demands would be gradually fulfilled.
Huq had also wanted him badly in his cabinet, mainly to win the support of Tamizuddin Khan who, Huq believed, would vote for him if only Shamsuddin continued to stay in his favour.
Ideologically, however, Huq had never left his association with the K.P.P. and soon began to start liaison with Shamsuddin Ahmed. Both of them visited various districts and held meetings of the Krishak Proja Samity in the years 1939 and 1940 and everywhere they received warm welcome.73 By 1940, however, most of the peasants’ reform bills had been passed.
Between 1938 and 1940 land-revenue policy, rural reconstruction, clearance of khals (canals), re-excavation of rivers, improvement in communication by land and water, establishment of union board dispensaries and above all, extensive education policy of the ministry were worthnoting 74 H.S.
Suhrawardy, who controlled the trade-union and workers’ movement was the Secretary of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League from 1937 and 1943. He succeeded in regulating the trade union movement 75 All these steps had strengthened Muslim League’s position in Bengal. The Krishak Proja Party seemed redundant by 1940 now that most of its demands had been fulfilled and the peasants were comparatively in a better position.
Between 1939 and 1941 Shamsuddin Ahmed carried on extensive participation in peasant agitation and pro-worker’s campaigns. Second World War conditions were prevailing at that time.
Government had imposed restriction on jute cultivation because of low price of jute and encouraged the cultivation of rice since supply of rice from Burma was little due to war obstructions. Shamsuddin Ahmed used this as an issue to criticize Huq’s ministry.76 Shamsuddin Ahmed criticized the government for not handling the problem arising out of the fall in the price of raw jute appropriately. It did not guarantee an economic price for raw jute in the mufassil.
He criticized Huq by saying that his ministry was incapable of controlling the jute market or to keep agreement with the Jute Mill Association fearing that his “white masters will be displeased and will not vote” him and his ministry would go out 77 Shamsuddin Ahmed was so serious that he called for 28 February, 1940 to be observed as ‘Jute Day in protest against government’s inadequate measures 78 He became known during this time as a pro- Congress leader.
He had also begun to take interest in Communist activities supporting the successive strikes in various jute mills in Bengal, particularly in Howrah district 80 In Nadia, he had actively supported the peasant cause led by the Kisan Sabha in association with the Communists The year 1941 was politically very significant.
Circumstances were so that Shamsuddin Ahmed joined Huq’s ministry again. Huq had formed the Progressive Coalition Ministry on 11 December 1941 including members of the K.P.P., the Forward Bloc, the Hindu Mahasabha and the Independent Scheduled Caste 82 Huq had displeased Jinnah and the Muslim League High Command by joining the British Government’s war effort without consulting Jinnah. In August 1941 Huq was asked to resign from the Muslim League but he managed to patch up for the time being.
But, between September and November 1941 there were intrigues, no-confidence motions and resignations in Huq’s ministry. On 1 December 1941 the Muslim League members resigned.
Huq had formed the Progressive Coalition Party on 28 November 1941 and was able to form his new ministry. The Muslim League High Command and the British Government opposed Huq vehemently and Jinnah expelled him from Muslim League on 26 December 1941.83 Shamsuddin Ahmed joined Huq’s ministry as the leader of the Krishak Proja Party and remained with Huq till the end of his ministry in March 1943.
By the year 1945 most of the Krishak Proja Party members had joined the Muslim League. Shamsuddin Ahmed also joined the Muslim League by 1945.85 The K.P.P. had politically become non-existent after 1940 but Shamsuddin kept close touch with the left-wing of the Congress and also with the Communists. The socialists, however, did not have a powerful strategy to give in the 1940’s.
The Communist Party of India had also supported the proposal for a separate homeland for the Muslims of India made by the Muslim League in 1940. At the same time, Shamsuddin Ahmed observed that the left-wing of the Congress with which he had been actively associated was not, in fact, genuinely pro-peasant. Shamsuddin Ahmed saw no point in remaining outside the Muslim League. Besides, he was interested to be in parliamentary politics rather than stay outside.
He was in H.S. Suhrawardy’s ministry between 24 April 1946 and August 1947 as Commerce, Labour and Industry minister 86 After partition he was appointed Ambassador to Burma. He is mentioned to have formed the Socialist Party of Pakistan but it seemed that he was not much active in the then East Pakistan politics.87 He died in 1969.
Shamsuddin Ahmed’s career in the three decades from the 1920’s till the partition proved to be very secular and liberal. His participation in the Krishak Proja movement projected him as a political leader with genuine feelings for fulfilling the demands of the peasants and devoted whole- heartedly for the cause of the Bengal peasantry.
He was also involved in trade union and workers’ movement. His socialistic leanings and his association with the left-wing of the Congress often brought him criticisms that he was anti-Muslim. He had favoured partition in 1947 but was never communal.